With
an admitted abundance of irony, I find myself phobic about the use of any word
that ends in “phobic”, largely because the word is usually used to shut down
sensible sustained debate, and functions as a kind of rhetorical club in the
hands of ideological bullies. Take the
popular word “homophobic” for example.
The word is used as a label to denounce and silence anyone arguing that
homosexual practice is sinful. Those in
favour of the moral legitimacy of homosexual practice now do not need to
effectively reply to arguments that it is sinful. They need only denounce the opponent as
“homophobic” and that is the end of it.
The vanquished homophobe is supposed to slink away and vanish into the
mists of history, taking his place alongside Nazis, White Supremacists, and
those asserting that the world is flat.
It is nonsense, of course, and I suppose that anyone can play the
game. I might coin the term
“Christianophobic” (unless someone has beat me to it?) to describe anyone
opposing Christian dogma and history, and use the label to defend everything
that was ever done by the Church. Do you
deny that Jesus is divine? How
Christianophobic of you. Tempting, I
suppose, except that our commitment to truth means we are also committed to
civil and reasoned debate, and to deciding every argument on the basis of its
actual merits. No ad hominem shortcuts allowed, however useful.
So, I find that
I approach the word “Islamophobia” with some trepidation, but current events
require some sort of response from Christian teachers, and one cannot talk
about what is going on without recourse to the word. I refer especially to Mr. Donald Trump’s
recent suggestion that America ban future entry of all Muslims “until our
country’s representatives can figure out what the hell is going on”. This last bit seems a bit vague, but I
suppose it means something like “until our country’s representatives can be
sure that no Muslim seeking entry will ever act violently”. Given the amount of non-Islamic violence sweeping America and making the news, this
seems to set the bar unfairly high for Muslims, but that is not my point here.
The larger issue, pushed to the fore by Mr. Trump, is the question of whether
or not Islam is inherently violent, and we must address the issue on its own
merits. Sometimes Muslims, feeling that
they are under attack, react with the single response, “You’re being
Islamophobic!” and try thereby to shut down the discussion. I can understand such a defensive response,
especially when Muslims are indeed sometimes victims of real prejudice, but we
still need to keep the dialogue going.
In
examining this question, it is crucial to distinguish several things. I would therefore like to distinguish between:
1. Muhammad’s practice and the text of his
Qur’an;
2. the history of subsequent Islamic
expansion in the decades and centuries following his death in 632;
3. the practice of Muslims throughout the Islamic
Empire and in the Middle East;
4. liberal Muslims today; and
5. Islamists.
Unless these five things are distinguished,
we cannot get very far in understanding our Muslim neighbours and making sense
of the world today. Of course if one’s
aim is not to work with complexities but simply to inflame voters, then such
understanding is not required. In
beginning to examine the question of violence in Islam, we begin with:
1. Muhammad’s
practice and the text of his Qur’an.
It seems clear enough that Muhammad had no problem with using violence
and warfare to protect, sustain, and expand the progress of his new religion,
especially after his flight to Medina. We
think of his slaughter and decapitation of about 700 prisoners of the Jewish
tribe of the Bani Quraiza. One could
multiply examples, but no one disputes Muhammad’s use of warfare and violence
to spread his religion. This acceptance
of violence in the service of religion is found in the Qur’an also. Take, for example, surah 2:190f: “Fight for the sake of Allah those that fight
against you, but do not attack them first.
Allah does not love the aggressors.
Kill them wherever you find them. Idolatry is worse than carnage. But do not fight them within the precincts of
the Holy Mosque unless they attack you there; if they attack you, put them to
the sword…Fight against them until idolatry is no more and Allah’s religion
reigns supreme. But if they mend their
ways, fight none except the evil-doers.”
Or, take another example, surah 9:123:
“O believers, fight the unbelievers who dwell around you and let them
find hardness in you. Know that Allah is
with the righteous.”
Some modern liberal Muslims contextualize these verses and assert that
they have relevance only to the time of Muhammad when his young religion was
under threat, and should not be applied today.
That is certainly one way to read those verses, and in fairness, that is
how we Christians read the verses in the Book
of Joshua about (for example) the slaughter of the people of Jericho in
Joshua chapter 6. Joshua and his armies
engaged in violence and genocide, but no one today regards these historical
facts as setting a precedent which would allow modern Christians (or Jews) to
spread their faith with the sword. The
question is therefore whether or not Muhammad’s example and his Qur’anic verses
offer a paradigm for Muslims in later ages, or whether they should be regarded
solely as an historical “one-off”. The
question may be partially answered by looking at:
2. The
history of subsequent Islamic expansion.
When we examine the history of Islam in the years, decades, and
centuries after Muhammad’s death in 632 A.D. we see that his followers did
indeed seem to regard both his personal example and the Qur’anic verses about
warfare (or jihad) to be
paradigmatic. His successor Omar
conquered Damascus in 635, and Jerusalem in 638. The great city of Alexandria was conquered in
640 and Muslim armies continued their outward military push, entering Spain in
711. The year 732 brought them almost to
the gates of Paris, where they were repelled by Charles Martel. Sicily was invaded in 827 and finally
conquered in 902. Constantinople was
repeatedly assaulted, although it did not fall until 1453. By no stretch of the imagination can these
wars be considered as merely defensive.
If Islam in the years following Muhammad’s death regarded his example
merely as historical (as Christians regard the wars of Joshua) why did they
continue to follow his example? We come
now to:
3. The
practice of Muslims in the Islamic Empire and the Middle East, and here we
do indeed see a measure of comparative tolerance. But only a measure, regardless of what Islamic
apologists (both Muslim and Western) might suggest, for the non-Muslim
populations of Islamic lands were still distinctly second-class. The official designation for such enforced second-class
status was dhimmi—they were “a
protected people”, and ostensibly free from harm so long as they kept to their
place and paid the required tax. The
practice of treating non-Muslim inhabitants in this way was justified by the
Qur’an, surah 9:29: “Fight against such who
do not believe in Allah even if they are People of the Book [i.e. Christians or
Jews] until they pay the tribute [Arabic jizya]
with willing submission and feel themselves subdued.”
Though the
Islamic tolerance shown to religious minorities did not approach modern
standards of pluralism, it must nonetheless be judged by the standards of its
own time, not by ours. Tolerance of
religious minorities did not thrive much anywhere in Europe either, as our
Jewish friends are quick to remind us, and between the practices of the Islamic
Empire and Christendom there was perhaps not much to choose. Yet even in these debased circumstances,
Christians and Jews still could find social advancement in Muslim societies—the
father of St. John of Damascus, for example, served in the civil administration
of the Caliph in Damascus. And prior to
the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Muslims, Christians and Jews
managed to coexist peacefully in the land of Palestine. Evidently an empire is a big thing to run,
and Muslim rulers discovered that a certain amount of diplomacy and tolerance was
necessary to grease the Imperial wheels and keep things running smoothly. As the heirs to this fragile tradition of
co-existence we find many Muslims today for whom Islam is indeed a religion of
peace and who are quite happy to practice their faith within a pluralistic Western
setting. These people I refer to as:
4. Liberal
Muslims. Some suggest that these Muslims
are not so much liberal as Westernized, and that the liberalism and tolerance
they profess come not from their Qur’an as from an adoption of western
Enlightenment values. They would
disagree, and point to such Qur’anic verses as surah 2:256: “Let there be no compulsion in
religion”. They also point to such
classical Islamic teachers as Averroes (the Latinized form of Ibn Rushd) who
promoted a twelfth century defense of Aristotle and the supremacy of reason. Muslims like Bassam Tibi (in his invaluable work Islamism and Islam) certainly
assert that one can be authentically Islamic while still embracing the values
of a liberal democracy. But whether
their tolerance, pluralism, and genuine love for democratic values spring from
Islam or from the West, there is no doubt that many millions of them share the
values of our liberal western democracy.
The problem with asserting that all Islam is inherently violent and (for
example) forcing all American Muslims to be registered is that this would
penalize those peaceful fellow-citizens for the sins of others. Such penalizing would ironically reduce
Muslims in America to the debased status of a dhimmi, so that non-Muslim Americans would reproduce the very
social realities they criticize in classical Islam. The religion many American Muslims practise
is clearly a religion of peace. Is it
our place as non-Muslims to define Islam for them? These liberal Muslims are to be distinguished
from what are sometimes called:
5. Islamists. All Islamists are Muslims, but most Muslims
are not Islamists. An Islamist is
defined by his or her desire to establish an Islamic State, wherein a
re-invented form of sharia law allows the state to function as a new
totalitarianism. This is forcibly argued
by Bassam Tibi (in his book mentioned above).
In Islamist thought, the Jews are responsible everything terrible in the
world (including, believe it or not, the Crusades), and are waging war against
a besieged Islam. In this delusional
world the infamous Protocols of Zion,
which outline a global Jewish conspiracy, are accepted as genuinely
historical. The Islamists declare that
Islam is under global threat, and so must defend itself. Some Islamists openly advocate terrorism (as
a redefined jihad); other Islamists
renounce terrorism, striving to establish the Islamic State through the
mechanisms of democracy and the ballot box.
Their methods differ, but their goal is identical, and after the
totalitarian Islamic State is established, all Islamists agree that free
elections will be a thing of the past, having been replaced by sharia, which they consider as the reign
of God on earth. Politically-correct assertions
that terrorists as “non-Islamic” or as “anti-Islam” are nonsensical, for the
Islamists are motivated by genuinely religious motives. Saying that Islamists are “not Islamic” is
like saying that Nazism was “not German”.
In
this Islamist vision of the world, Islamism equals Islam, and true Islam
contains all the violent and totalitarian features of Islamism. This is why the Islamophobia promoted by Mr.
Trump is genuinely dangerous, for here he agrees with the Islamists that Islam equals Islamism, and is thereby pushing liberal Muslims into the Islamist
fold. The Islamists contend that Islam
is under threat from the West, and that true Muslims should renounce the values
of liberal democracy as un-Islamic. What
better way to prove their point than by persecuting western Muslims? The liberal Muslims regard themselves as full
partners in western democracy and their practice of Islam as fully consonant
with this. They distinguish their
version of Islam from that of the Islamists.
If America demonizes Islam by denouncing it as always inherently
violent, refuses entry to all Muslims worldwide, or makes moves to register its
Muslim citizens, what could liberal Muslims conclude but that the Islamists
were right all along? Mr. Trump would
prove himself to be the greatest radicalizer of Muslims in all the world. What Islamist propagandists could not do, Mr.
Trump would do for them. A better path
would be to welcome the liberal Muslims as our best partners in dialogue and to
share the full fruits of citizenship with them.
Part of this dialogue of course will involve unmasking Islamism in all
its forms for what it really is.
The
question “Is Islam inherently violent?” must be answered with another question,
“Which Islam?” The Islam of Muhammad and
his early successors was certainly violent.
The Islam of the Islamists is certainly violent. The Islam of many liberal Muslims today is
not. Which kind of Islam will become predominate
in the Muslim world in the future is a question only the Muslims themselves can
answer. The West would be well advised
to help the liberal Muslims of the world push for a transformation of classical
Islam so that it is their peaceful and pluralist version of Islam which wins
the Islamic day.
The take-away
for Christians is this: the Muslim down
the street is our neighbour and a soul for whom Christ died. That means that we must love him and affirm
the truth that he has, as well as sharing humbly the truth of Christ that he
does not yet possess. St. Paul did this
with the pagans of his day, and won them for the Lord. We must do the same with our Muslim
neighbours today.